domingo, 18 de outubro de 2015

Monarquia e Anarquia

Do site The Imaginary Conservative,  um texto que vivamente recomendo da escritora Marcia Christoff-Kurapovna, OF MAJESTY AND ANARCHY. Uma importante reflexão quanto aos fundamentos da monarquia numa contextualização histórica que visa o pensamento medieval (que é preciso melhor entender) principalmente a afirmação da monarquia germânica e do Sacro Império por mão do carismático Imperador Frederico II, a quem Nietzsche chamou o "primeiro europeu". Que foi verdadeiramente um intelectual, um estadista, um hábil diplomata, na essência um pensador. Falava várias línguas, correspondia-se com os sultões do mundo islâmico, lia os autores clássicos e foi principalmente influenciado pelo pensamento de Aristóteles. Ele, o grande rei, concebeu as bases da monarquia num mundo que parecia ter perdido os fundamentos à revitalização da ordem, desabada depois do colapso do Império Romano. Quando os reis são filósofos e os filósofos são reis, usando a máxima de Platão.

Indeed, the Great Prince is both Monarchist and Anarchist: he is the summa of the great currents of the centuries before him and an anomaly to his times; he is the caretaker of Order (historical memory) and also the curator of Revolution (the creation of history). At once the devoted heir to tradition and the avowed enemy of corrupted status quo, only he, the Great Prince, is intermediary between the Law of God and the realm of mankind; he must serve exclusively the Law of Justice.

 Ainda que fosse um dos homens mais poderosos da sua época nunca perdeu as relações de humildade para com os outros homens diante de Deus. O mesmo que escreveu: “As men stand equal to other men by their humanity,  “they have nothing to pride themselves on unless by virtue. (...) “People do not distinguish Kings and Caesars above other men because they are highly placed, but because they see farther and act better.” (é verdade, um imperador medieval escreve sobre a "igualdade" e proclama a virtude individual como a prossecução para alcançar a sociedade ideal). 

A autora apresenta-nos Frederico como o grande revolucionário e reformador, o autor da famosa "Constituição de Melfi"  também conhecida como Liber Augustalis, uma das principais constituições escritas conhecidas e o primeiro livro de leis monárquico surgido na Idade Média e permaneceu como a lei fundamental do Reino das Duas Sicílias até à chegada de Garibaldi no século XIX. 

The Liber Augustalis was framed with the special view of securing equal rights to all classes of Frederick’s subjects and of delivering them from feudal oppression. He stripped the nobles and prelates of their jurisdiction in criminal cases. He decreed that any count or baron, carrying on war on his own account “should lose his head and his goods.” These were amazing strides in the right direction, Pennington notes, but quite unprecedented in feudal kingdoms.


It was under the influence of this stimulating environment of medieval Sicily that the Great Prince was able to conceive of one of the outstanding acts of anarchism of his day: the Bloodless Crusade—the Sixth. This was a “victory of diplomacy over force,” in the words of one historian,”of humanity over bigotry… the finest moment in the history of the Crusades.” Far more interested in exchanging strange mathematical puzzles with his royal, Eastern counterparts than going to war with these official enemies, Frederick—so warlike on his own turf—managed to assert Reason and crown it with Will in regaining Jerusalem, Nazareth and Bethlehem from the Abbuyid Sultan al-Malik al-Kamil of Egypt (the nephew of the great Saladin who, one might recall, Dante accorded a place in Heaven).

Depois da morte do grande imperador restou o caos, com analisou Kantorowicz:
“The world had never seen before on such a scale the spectacle that followed the death of the Emperor,” wrote Kantorowicz. “The complete disintegration in a night of the proud structure of government, the incoherence of all Germany taking place… the glorious pride and freedom of Hohenstaufen days lay in the dust.”

Gostei da conclusão final da autora, que muito bem fez a síntese do vazio que as actuais monarquias vivem e do sentido que uma verdadeira monarquia deve exaltar:

Today, wherever the intelligent among us may still be found, the idea of Monarchy—vague, strange, slightly beyond definition—shimmers and beckons along the periphery of our collective intellectual subconscious: we suspect it has something that will save us from the erosions of shabby egalitarianism; from our sordid democracies and their petulant, tiresome, subversive “rights.” We hope for a Personality (so socially unacceptable is he!) surrounded by a distinguished magna curia of philosophers and scientists; a figure who radiates the sunlit values of exalted Christianity and an exalted life of insatiable curiosity, all the while an oppressed cult of rational optimists goes on believing that he is possible because once upon a time he was possible. Or, it just may be that there is something deep with the human spirit—ingrained, instinctual, irrepressible—that longs to say “Your Majesty” and, for once, to mean it.

Leitura obrigatória. 

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